Overcoming Bantu Education in Post-Apartheid South Africa
Bantu education garnered criticism even before it was officially introduced into schools in 1955. An article titled "Bantu Education in Action" published in a 1954 edition of the Johannesburg magazine Liberation, a publication concerned with black issues, described the initial effects of and reactions to Bantu education. Its author pegs Bantu education as "a treacherous attempt to destroy the critical and creative abilities of the African people, and to restrict their ambitions within the narrow confines which the Nationalists design and desire should be the functions of the members of 'Bantu society'" (Nokwe 1).
The article continues as a unapologetic, direct indictment of the Bantu education system, which implemented an entirely new syllabus for black schools. In this syllabus, it designated the following subjects and time requirements per week:
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Religious instruction - 100 minutes
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Afrikaans - 204 minutes
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English - 205 minutes
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Arithmetic - 180 minutes
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Social Studies - 180 minutes
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Health Education - 150
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Nature Study - 60 minutes
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Singing and game - 60 minutes
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Needlework for girls, tree planting and soil conservation, handwork and homecraft, and gardening for girls and boys - 120 minutes each
So out of 1,650 minutes of instruction per week, 360 minutes were spent in handwork, gardening, tree-planting and soil conservation (Nokwe 2). The article addresses the fact that this syllabus is a way to indoctrinate the black community into thinking they must fulfill unskilled labor demand. The description of the History course speaks for itself: "the effects of Mining, Commerce and Industry on the life of the Bantu - the creation of opportunities for work; new professions and trades; movement of the people to cities; need for influx control" (qtd. in Nokwe 2).
If teachers refused to teach this syllabus, they would likely be fired. Dr. Verwoerd warns against teacher disobedience:
"So much depends upon the teacher carrying out his duties conscientiously...For the teacher who is not faithful in this regard there is no place in Bantu Eudcation" (qtd. in Nokwe 3).
Duma Nokwe was an active member in the African National Congress and represented the concerns with and criticisms of Bantu education shortly after its implementation. This attack on the system was only the beginning of what would become a strong movement of resistance against its unjustices.
Bantu Education in Action: Disparities Between Black and White Schools
Ernest Cole - "School Class"
Segregation Statistics
The Bantu Education Act set into motion a long period of educational disparities between black and white schools. From the poor quality of the teaching, to overcrowded classrooms and outdated textbooks, black schools suffered from lack of government attention.
Insufficient funding was the most glaring flaw in Bantu education. Although the expenditure on black education did increase after the system's implementation, it did not match the increase for white education or keep up with expanded enrollment.The following tables illustrate this disparity:
Per capita expenditure on education
(Measured in SA Rands)
1945
1953
1960
7.78
17.08
12.46
76. 58
127.84
144. 57
Expressed as ratios
(Measured in SA Rands)
1945
1953
1960
1
1
1
Year Blacks Whites
9. 84
7.48
11.6
So by 1960, the government was spending nearly 12 times more on white education than they were on black education. That disparity would continue to rise. By 1968, government spending per African pupil was only 6% of that for each white pupil (Giliomee 196). These funding disparities resulted unqualified teachers and dismal passing rates for black students. At the time of 1970, 79% of urban blacks and 93% of rural blacks had not acheived Standard 6 or higher, while only 4% of the white population failed to reach that level (Giliomee 196). The passing rate of black matriculants (graduates from secondary eduation) fell from 74% in 1979 to between 35% and 40% in the late nineties (Giliomee 197).
Teacher Testimonies
"The government spends 30 times more on the education of a white child then on an African child. Only 6% of African pupils are in secondary schools compared with nearly one third of white pupils. In white schools there are 20 pupils per teacher-in African schools, there are 58. 89% of university students are white. For whites, education is free and compulsory while African must pay school fees, buy text books, etc. Education in South Africa is segregated by race. Education for Africans is not only inferior, but through the 'Bantu Education Act' it is designed to maintain Africans in a position of permanent inferiority. One half of the African population has no schooling."
-"Apartheid in Practice: Education in South Africa" - poster by David King and the Anti-Apartheid Movement
Looking at teachers' reactions to Bantu education is an effective way to gauge the system's initial impact on black schools. Despite Verwoerd's threat toward disobedient teachers, they still engaged in the political activism to shed light on the "barbarism of education" (Souiden 213). The African National Congress advocated for nationwide boycotts of Bantu schools, but teachers claimed that would hurt children more by denying them access to any kind of education. Instead, organizations such as the Cape African Teachers' Association (CATA) and the Teacher's League of South Africa campaigned for the boycott of the new boards of education (Souiden 214).
While some teachers who opposed the new system chose to leave their profession entirely, others stayed while secretely circumventing Bantu education guidelines: "these responses ranged from evasion of the department's prescriptions to active subversion by refusing to obey instructions" (Soudien 217).
A teacher who had been in the profession since 1936 explained his justification for not leaving: "Many qualified teachers left the profession. I was among those who said 'gentlemen, if we all leave, who is going to teach our children? It was termed 'poison,' we are teaching them poison. We said, let us add something to it, teach them as much as we can. If you add something it will 'dilute' the poison. We did not throw away books we were using before" (qtd. in Souiden 218).
Nelson Mandela also referred to the new teaching methods and curriculum as poison:
"Our secret discussions among the executive turned on whether we should call on the people to stage a protest for a limited period or whether we should proclaim a permanent school boycott to destroy the Bantu Education Act before it could take root. The discussions were fierce and both sides had forceful advocates. The argument for an indefinite boycott was that Bantu Education was a poison one could not drink even at the point of death from thirst. To accept it in any form would cause irreparable damage” (Mandela 145).
Because of the lack of funding for teachers' salaries and the sudden influx of black students into a new system, pupil-teacher ratios worsened from 42.3 to 1 in 1946 to 54.7 to 1 in 1960 (Hyslop 56). The government also introduced the concept of double session teaching, where teachers would have to instruct two separate classes a day in an afternoon and morning shift, which had a drastic impact in the quality of teaching black students were receiving. A former student said: "The teachers would be too tired to teach in the afternoon. They would find it boring teaching the same subject. The pupils who would come in the afternoon wouldn't be as alert as pupils who came in the morning" (qtd. in Hyslop 56).
The following collection of quotes from teachers serves as a kind of oral history of their response Bantu education:
On the difference between mission schools and government schools:
"I think the mission schools provided a better type of education since they prepared the child for a higher...calling. They also prepared the child for a meaningful role in life. Bantu Education on the other hand aparently deprives the child of his self, of his personality and of his realisation." (qtd. in Hyslop 57)
On carrying out his duty as a teacher, despite racist policies:
"It was terrible teaching under those conditions. One could not say a word, we had to meet in private places trying to resolve this situation...it was very difficult for all teachers, and of course it was even worse because I got into the profession out of love...in addition I had to disregard most of the regulations and gave all that I could to enhance the standard of education and above all to teach the black child" (qtd. in Soudien 217).
On risking his teaching career or accepting the new system:
"Who are you going to challenge? The moment they thought you were trying to be...er...subversive, rebellious or anything like that, they would just come down on you and told you to pack up and go...We couldn't use anything...We were very young people, twenty, twenty-one. These things didn't affect us. All we were interested in was sport, schoolwork and girls and this and that" (qtd. in Soudien 220).
Teacher response varied from actively oppositional, secretly subversive and passively compliant. But because they were so integral to the functioning of Bantu education, they are a vital community to evaluate.
It is important to juxtapose the education disparities under Bantu education with the disparities that persist today. The following video from the World Innovation Summit for Education points out some of the problems between black and white education in post-apartheid South Africa.
A Lens into the Future: Same Problems, Different Era?
Year Blacks Whites
(Christie and Collins)
Ernest Cole "School Class"
Ernest Cole "Boy in School"
Ernest Cole "Teacher"